在此之前我从来没有想过，但是当我问到这个星期，这是我最喜欢中国的省，我很自然地回答了浙江。 我已经行驶有再次清明假期，我一直反映这是一个了不起的地方。

浙江是最小的省份，在大陆只是有点比重庆直辖市。 但在这个小区域，它包含了一些最美丽的地方，在中国访问。 从皇家园林在杭州，宁波或美丽多云峰，关岛，它更像是一个微型全中国已浓缩为方便参观的游客有。

但它是人观察家，浙江是最显着的。 包装有设法得到任何中国省人均GDP最高的，更令人印象深刻的东西，它不包含任何主要城市的近50万人，它通常通过地方的积极性作为发展的一个例子，而不是模型在深圳，上海或天津。 点击继续»

通过在劳教所建设的改革。 待以前，该地区居民被迫疏散。

欢迎通过劳工改革劳动改造营。 你一直送到这里接受治疗的思想僵化。 你不知道它，但你受苦正是这里为同一疾病的人。 不要担心，它有一种治疗方法：所有你需要做的就是放松，读一些书，结交一些朋友，并获得境外互联网的正常生活。

当你在营地时，你应该练习自我批评，并热烈探讨于右任的思想：

• 这个博客是关于中国的，我不关心你认为我国。
• 我不是来自外国，我并不代表官方立场的外国。
• 这个博客是不是针对任何谎言和愚昧除外。
• 一个政府不接受人民的批评始终是一个弱势政府。
• 共产主义行不通，如果没有中国共产党，实际使用它。
• 中国遭受的不公正引起国外一些国家的贪婪和残暴的过去， 并通过其自己的自私领导人。 我与中国的历史非常熟悉，我不需要这些不光彩的事件不断提醒，谢谢你。

一旦你学习了上面的思想，去这个网站，并记住完整的毛泽东思想 。 当你完成了你的思想革命化，你能回来到我的博客。

。

因此，奥巴马是在中国，即使他是不是我的总统，他仍然是我最喜欢的总统。 这里是我的第一手访问的分析。

最重要的新闻，令人惊讶了注意，所有观察员的是，奥巴马想成为欧洲在中国广西巴马。 这是我读新的拼写他的名字在字符，通过该网站提出白宫 ：

欧巴马（oubama）将取代奥巴马，其中欧汉字欧洲，​​使中国的名字听起来像欧巴马。

也许有人会说，新的拼写选择更大的拼音相似，或者是因为它是在台湾的标准，但是当政治家听取语言学家？ 欧元奥巴马命名有明确的政治动机，并在该项目中我看到了光明的未来。

我觉得我说话的时候我说，我们非常高兴地看到，在执行这个计划终于大量的欧洲人。 奥巴马先生，请扫除一堆不称职的总统和总理，并成为欧洲联盟的国王。 然后，也许在下次会议上与中国可以代表我们团结的利益，而不是让每个欧洲部落中共发送其小的可怜的行政巧妙地划分和操纵A LA “孙子兵法 。

我喜欢的是欧洲的事情之一是，你可以对UE进行彻底爱国，无人问津。 亲爱的华盛顿邮报的评论员，请不用担心了。 美国是不是尚未下降，也不会是很长一段时间。 除其他原因，因为它需要的是太无能团结在国际政治中的欧洲国家。 而事实上，当中国人看到奥巴马，他们看到尽可能多的西方领导人，因为他们看到的美国领导人。 因为从这里看到，西，欧洲，美洲，或欧美研究（欧美）的概念从未所有不同。

这个重要的地缘政治考虑后，可以继续读什么是阅读访问。 基本上没有，因为没有真正的新闻已经出现的是，大多数记者和博客都在其列，他们的最好，以填补与中国泛泛。 除了上面的链接，有趣的问题是：

• 奥巴马将“ 人权观察“的黑监狱和其他人权问题的报告发表评论？ 当然，这不会发生，没有更多的比胡锦涛将阐述新的理论，解放西藏。 但有趣的是辩论的缘故。

• 也许更可能的是，他提到了环境，这个博客建议 。 我敢肯定，两国领导人会提到它，其实，不同的是有多少承诺将来自会议。 从无声世界的其余部分，我们将拭目以待，看2个巨人，如果最终决定，使一招，并退出其油烟发送到我们​​的后院。

• 最后，还有很多文章说奥巴马狂热，并作出了大不了的，因为在选举之前已在中国流传Obamao图标。 我的看法是，年轻的现代中国人往往喜欢奥巴马，他是轻微比布什更受欢迎。 但有没有这样的事情，我们在欧洲看到的Obamania和这里大多数人采取“观望”的冷立场。 分钟欧也提到了一些微妙的问题，或遇到一些老喇嘛，它会采取不超过一分钟以及措辞的中央电视台新闻抹成稀薄的空气Obamania。

所以已经退出Obamaos，并给我一些Eurobamas，我们越来越厌倦了政治，在这个大陆的另一边。

我回上海了一些有趣的轶事和日本的一些轻度有趣的图片。 不幸的是，我将不能够发表任何因为这一周，我在中国的工作行程忙碌，特别是因为这是汉语水平考试周。 是一样好，我想，毕竟这是不Japanyouren，有有趣的旅行博客，在那里，如果您正在寻找一个笑。

在我消失了一个星期到我的学习巢穴之前，让我解释一下你再次HSK的业务。 这是短期的汉语水平考试，或汉语水平考试，它是官方的标准来衡量你的普通话水平，在内地所有大学接受。 这也是一个很疯狂的考试，旨在挤考生的大脑在3小时内尽可能多的语言信息，然后把它衡量的统计术语。

因为它发生了HSK考试并不主要衡量你的中国一级。 它测量你的决心，耐力和沉着，你的信心在盘后更好的生活。 它好的一面，除了强化你的灵魂，是它给你的好味道异常激烈，中国的教育系统和他们的大学入学考试。 它甚至让人联想科举考试 ，旧的科举考试，选择的官僚机构，其中著名造成一些考生失去自己的智慧和成为天王 。 对于严重（疯狂）足够的尝试了解中国的外国人，这方面的经验是必不可少的。

但回的事实：这个星期六17日HSK高级，我要出11个可能的水平，争取为9级。 我需要迫切得到这个程度，击败我记录自己的光荣的唯一目标。 这是奥林匹克精神。

我对“四书”思想的实践论文

下面是考试的一些细节：阅读部分包含一个+超过4000个字符，相当于在一个标准格式的小说有10页的文本，文本，你必须回答15个问题（不选择A，B ，C，D，但实际上回答了一句）。 有一个总......这部分为15分钟。 我测试了一个土生土长的中国朋友，那是她只花了阅读的文本以正常速度的时间。

写作是另一个可怕的，因为你用来输入计算机，当它来手写字符，你甚至不知道从哪里开始。 至少在这里，你得到30分钟400-600字的短文，所以你确实有时间来阅读你正在写什么，并认为如果你真的想表达你自己的观点，在一个考试，其中包含演习喜欢：

“---社会朝着更加科学发展观导致我们的人 ”（一个和谐，谐波B-，C-风琴D-激素）

这个例子不完全是文字的，我从内存引用。 点是汉语水平考试，具有较强的北京风味，和一些短语，直接从中国共产党手册和舵手的理论。 在某种程度上，这感觉就像一遍科举四书：毛泽东思想，理论3三个代表“，科学发展观，正如那句老话：他们已经改变了，并没有任何改变。

现在，我是在一个自由的互联网国家，我的机会来看看CDT的网站，我发现这个有趣的问题，从人贾兹拉：如果失去了毛，会发生什么？

我不是在对反事实历史的原则，它可以在很多情况下是有用的，从不同的角度看到的事件。 这也使得热闹的酒吧交谈和博客评论。 但这种运动意义的基本条件是，在我看来，连锁分析事件有任何实际发生的机会。

例如：它可能是有趣的想象世界本来如果希特勒在1944年企图暗杀死亡，或会出现什么情况，如果毛泽东之前死于大跃进。 在物理实验，通过隔离稍后因素，以类似的方式，我们尝试分析政策的影响到这一点。 但有分析的结果不可能甚至荒唐的事件，幽默的目的以外的兴趣不大。 如果希特勒在1941年突然成为和平主义者？

回到了这一点：“如果毛泽东失去了什么？”这个问题视为只是一个历史的意外，运气问题，结果，像希特勒的炸弹，可能已决定由Fluke蒋介石战败。

但江泽民的失败（或撤退）是不是一个单一的战斗的结果。 问这个问题的人忘记，江泽民有多年的力量，与所有国家的工具，在他的控制之下最大的人口和领土的一部分，和来自其他国家的军事和经济援助。 多年来，所有的赔率是在他的身边。 “如果毛泽东失去了吗？”在这个问题隐含的机会已经给江。 和最好的答案是：

如果失去了毛泽东，江泽民失去反正

有深刻的原因，江泽民的系统是不可能的。 其中他的思想或缺乏，没有呼吁在一个时刻，中国需要1催化剂，其释放出的能量。 东西是需要对外国人打土豪的压迫和团结人民，江泽民不提供任何在两条战线。 中国相信，如果毛泽东没有去过那里，另一位领导人将已售出的想法，或其他更糟糕的想法 ，谁知道可怕的政权，有可能导致需要的东西。

这江泽民失败的启发，他的政权固有的腐败，谴责他施加原力的力量。 计划运作良好，当他搬到台湾，与当地人口相对大量的支持者和士兵，但它根本无法在中国内地工作。 这将需要一个有组织的暴行，只有狂热可以接受的水平。

所以，毛泽东赢得了，然后什么？

因此，回到现实中来：毛泽东赢了。 他演奏了他的卡好多了，他赢得了一英里。 若干年后，他被证明是作为一个政治家，不是天才作为一种革命性的。 更糟的是，这实在是他的最严重的罪过，他爱上了与自己和权力，他不具有良好的听感能力顾问，也没有退休时，他仍然是在时间的尊严。 “70％good/30％坏”的判断邓小平通过可能过于宽松，但不可避免的谴责毛泽东谴责他一生的工作。 邓小平不能够做的比他，来到他的那些，没有一个人有什么需要，甚至不敢触及这个问题。

这里是在我看来，问题的核心：为什么是毛泽东还是那么目前在中国人的心理？ 当我们要继续前进？ 主席是不是仅仅在墙壁上卡住，他烙印非常深刻的中国人的集体头脑中，并通过强制性的教育，宣传和像上周的游行，他认为自己的位置并没有任何经济进步的可以扫他离开。

这里是我的意思的例子：最近，我借的书“毛泽东：鲜为人知的故事” ，由长荣的毛一个中国朋友，这是非常关键的一本书。 这位朋友是年轻，自由点，他认为达赖是一个好人。 然而，当两个星期后，我问他这本书，我的反应，吓了我一跳。 “这女人是不是真的中国”，“你可以不理解”，包括他抱怨破碎的词组。 我知道这本书肯定不是最均衡的毛泽东传记，我是开放的，接受他的许多论点。 但我看到有没有进一步讨论，因为不知何故，我们已经在伤感情的领土降落。

但有趣的讨论，今天是不是毛泽东70％的权利或17.5％。 过去是过去，有没有除在历史的专家，在挖的骷髅再次使用。 关键是现在，查找原因，毛泽东仍然认为他的地方，应在今天的领导人。

答案很简单：毛泽东是因为他仍然需要。 无论他的失败是多么可怕，多么残酷的后果和大多数中国人都知道，毛泽东仍是只有一个系统，使一些思想内容。 他上周丰富多彩的游行和黑色适合木乃伊的游行是“具有中国特色的社会主义”的含义。 那就是为什么大多数中国人都是这么快就原谅他的理由：“他是由他的妻子用好人”，他们说，“这是不是他的过错，他是老年”。

是重要的，相信自己的社会理想。 在西方，我们有民主，人权，宗教，他们的整个范围，以适应所有的情面。 经常没有，他们正在利用政客为自己的自私的目标，任何真正意义devoided。 但至少他们的理想，他们给我们的错觉，我们的斗争是值得为之奋斗。 我看到讨论奥巴马还是布什的人，无论其政策的实际效果可能很明显，他们给一个意思，在美国politcs。

相反，在中国，一直以来毛泽东唯一的理想死亡邓小平的“致富”。 以来已发表的许多理论与党的说辞，灌装厚书，但不是他们的单载有任何人民可以相信，或者甚至理解。 一次又一次，党的行动已经表明，任何其他考虑之上，唯一重要的目标是国内生产总值，现状的维护保养。

有一个领导在中国共产党党本身的内部机制，部分原因是由于严重缺乏。 严格唯物主义的目标是迅速dissapointing，为实现他们尽可能为留守者，人民自然为灵感可用的唯一理想：民族主义和毛泽东。 ，所以它发生，旧的肖像不能取下来，因为它涵盖了一个洞。 中国政治的黑洞。

关于中国种族主义的讨论不断回来而在每一次，每次都引起强烈的激情。 这是后，我一直在想，做了一段时间之后，我们在三月有趣的评论，作为新疆系列的结论。

引发这次辩论的故事是， 娄婧 ，是中国在电视选秀节目的一半黑色的参加者已经在互联网上的种族主义言论的对象。 我不认为这本身就是重要的，各国的网民都众所周知张贴离谱的意见，在现实生活中，他们永远不会说出的。 但撇开，很明显是有特定的姿态在中国种族，冲击在许多西方国家，并承担一些反映。

因为它不只是不成熟的网民，同时也支持像笑话的名字和姓氏的尊敬的人，或写这样的评论。 当然，在许多情况下，我们所看到的仅仅是一个内脏反应来自西方的指责。 具有讽刺意味的​​是，许多中国人认为，即使是在一个中国一贯表现比他们更好的领域，傲慢的，居高临下的西方人仍然觉得有道理公共教训给他们一定恼人。

但双方通过第一波激烈的意见后，这是值得冷静看待事物，看到这些误解背后的现实是什么。 和现实的情况是，它是在中国太常见了，听到这样的语句，为“维吾尔人的危险”或“非洲人不聪明”，甚至，令人惊讶的是，“白人比亚洲更能干”。 所有这些西方耳相当惊人的意见，但中国从未归咎于种族主义。

事实上，大多数似乎遵循一个简单的逻辑：“在中国没有问题，因为不像西方人来说，中国人不是种族主义者”。 这种想法显然是，大多数中国人没有经验，由宣传部门制作的工作室，材料，许多国家都面带微笑五颜六色的服装的儿童比其他不同种族的事实。 和它背后的是“人民联盟”从共产主义学说的继承，仍然可能会被视为该国的中心：

毛泽东：“对于世界各国人民的联盟，欢呼”

我并非暗示共产主义理想，这是没有诚意的。 它是，它可能仍然是许多人。 问题是，而几十年前这肯定是在宽容和尊重的先锋队，在当今全球化的世界，它只是不剪​​了。

因为肯定的是，中国有权利说，这不是西方人来决定可接受的种族态度。 但是，这也不是汉族的特权。 最终，它是人民感受到歧视，是非洲人或维吾尔人，谁应该有一个很大的发言权。 在任何争议，这是不是犯罪，但得罪人，谁决定（一些合理的限度内）什么是侮辱的话或态度。

最终，在中国发展新的种族态度将会对整个世界有重要影响，特别是在为自己的国家利益。 这个过程仍然是在它的初始步骤，但已经有一些关键的挑战是显而易见的：内部，由于越来越多的少数民族质疑其治疗汉;和外部，随着中国试图扩大其影响力的战略地区，如非洲和南美洲。 在这些领域取得的所有的软实力将是毫无价值的，如果中国不生活在那里的人民表现出令人信服的尊重。

再次，是中国的种族主义？

那么有没有一个真正的问题，若有，可以做些什么来解决它？ 正如一些中国人有：它是错的，只是因为我们说，亚洲人是在数学和黑人在篮球，换句话说，是中国的种族主义？

从我自己的观察，中国在本质上是不超过其他大多数国家的种族主义。 这是说，很实在。 因为这是世界上最今天，如何它一直。 如果中国和西方之间有一个显着的差异，它仅仅是外观之一：我们是更好地隐藏我们的偏见。

事实上，在西方，我们检查员自己到一个点，这是很难甚至接受斜体，像一个问的问题归结为：“不同种族的平均两套不同的技能吗？”非假正经的答案这显然​​是肯定的，可以从简单的观察了解到的。 就像不同性别，不同种族，往往有略有不同的特点，这种多样性从来就不是一个问题，诚实，开朗的人，而是相反。

问题是当钝个人选择部分重点对这些差异，然后他们理论中的一种方式，以satisfiy一些低的心理需求。 这样的人，有时甚至说服足够多的人能够统治他们的国家，必然导致破坏和羞辱。 从老斯巴达日本帝国，历史表明，民族纯度短视的想法不产生最好的结果，基于这些处所持续下降背后的多元化社会的创造力的群体。

所以，知道在每一个国家钝军团，西做了什么，以防止那些反对多样性和“人类带来了无尽的悲痛”的爆发？ 认识到人类的愚蠢无国界，并不能消除，西方社会，而不是教训，以扫地毯下。 在惊人短的时间内，在二十世纪的下半年，他们已经开发出一系列的规范，以规范的讲话，他们通过为社会所接受的权力执行。 这种非书面的代码，嘲笑为PC，确保个人能保持一如以往的偏见，但将避免使公众，否则将面临的社会排斥。

在此期间，中国的封闭的社会从未真的感到了到现在有必要制定这些限制，和这样的种族偏见，是能够以运行在谈话中自由，震惊，偶尔外国人的敏感的耳朵，并赢得人民的一点好感他们应该交好。

中国应该按照西方？

有一个来自中国的天然抵抗力，采取任何类型的PC解决方案，主要是因为他们不觉得问题的描述适用于他们：在种族主义疯狂的历史，他们大多是在接收端。 它是公平地说，作为一个人，中国人一向最宽容的，当他们在西方的同行已经抓狂消除异教徒的时间接受不同宗教和文化。 为什么会这样一个文明的社会需要申请作为西部野生克制相同严格的标准呢？

在我看来，它不应该和中国是正确的忽略前期许多西方的过度反应。 在一个健康的社会是有错误的本质与调用一个黑色的“黑”或一个黄色的“黄色”，像中国和其他人民做什么。 复杂，充满内疚的美国式的PC最适合特定国家的条件，而不应被迫到中国。

但这并不是说系统不应该得到改善。 从我的观察，在中国一些受影响的社区，它看起来像目前的状况是远远不够理想。 中国应努力生锈，共产主义时代观念的现代化，一点一点地来一个更现实，更平等和种族少居高临下的态度，这将是即将到来的挑战，内部和外部的成功的关键。 和国家不能单独承担这个现代化。 就像西方的，它是在整个社会，作家，名人，和其他公众的榜样，应携手合作，努力。

中国有一个千载难逢的机会，现在几乎从头开始建立自己的种族的态度，从情报和慷慨的，而不是从内疚，并恢复宽容和在国际关系中的良好感觉，他们的国家已当之无愧的形象。

这是我最喜欢的大学校园宏伟的正门在上海：HuaShiDa。 我喜欢这个入口，因为它是非常绿色，非常完整，它拥有一切从环岛标志1敬礼的巨型毛泽东，背景中的建筑起重机。 但我最喜欢的题词：

求真务实，促进创意，辜负了教师姓名点击继续»

我只是碰到这个图片Hecaitou的博客 。 辉煌：

我恨破坏笑话，所以，可以说是中国的位图由自己出。

对于那些不会说中国话，看到后倍。

点击继续»

自从我开始关于发布审查我注意到，该系统的基本知识都没有明确由中国以外的许多读者理解。 这是一篇分类和解释系统在尽可能最简单的方法。 它在很大程度上来自我自己的经验作为一个在中国的用户和研究丽贝卡麦金农 。

在中国的互联网审查是在不断进化的复杂的系统，无论在技术上和审查内容。 它是由国务院新闻办公室 - 互联网管理部管理。 is more in use, especially since studies like this one exposed the limitations of the GFW metaphor.直到最近，它主要是称为中国长城防火墙（GFW）的外国人，但今天的净保姆的名字是在使用中，特别是因为喜欢研究这个暴露的桂枝茯苓丸比喻的局限性。

事实上，这两个名字可以使用，因为它们是指审查制度的不同机制，帮助非中国居民的基本可视化。 人给了所有的动物名称，让我们给这些的明确的名称，以使我们能够避免进一步的混乱。 中国的审查制度组成： 净保姆 ， 长城防火墙（GFW的），和搜索引擎操纵（SEM）。 请注意三者之间的重要差异，可归纳如下：

• 保姆消除内容，迫使自我审查。
• 桂枝茯苓丸块内容，在中国大陆访问。
• 扫描电镜隐藏的内容，使网站无法测度/无形。

这三个要素或它们的任意组合目前正在使用，对中国互联网审查的内容。

1 -净保姆

像一个保姆，顽皮的孩子，政府责骂叛逆的公民谁发布的“俗”或政治性质的内容。 净保姆是把出版商自我审查的压力，控制内容的机制。 当然，净保姆方法只适用于当出版商在某种程度上受到了中国政府的权力。 通常是因为他们要么是中国人，在中国的业务，或拥有自己的网站在中国举办。

保姆的力量来自其关闭网站，拿走营业执照，或直接征收“ 严惩罪犯“的能力。 资助先进的设备，扫描或嗅出中国互联网的数据使用一个大的人类劳动力的保姆监视器遵守。 她经常提醒出版商，私下或公开审问的名单 ，在西方媒体的头条新闻。

最终用户遭受的保姆在以下两种方式之一：

• 他们读/发布内容的网站被发现不符合规定的倒闭，像最近发生的以牛博 。
• 他们读/发布内容的网站是自我设限，擦除单个用户的内容或拒绝发布。

在所有情况下，审查或保姆“统一”的内容是不是从任何地方访问，无论使用的编码连接。 此内容不阻止，但只是从互联网淘汰。

2 -伟大的中国防火墙（GFW的）

长城防火墙是完全不同的生物，虽然密切相关。 这是另一种工具，新闻办公室使用，以控制对内容的访问。 桂枝茯苓丸，而不是保姆，不是直接基于人机交互，而是在一系列的技术设备 ，能够检测敏感的内容，进入中国互联网及 阻止它，原来的网站是否是在中国还是没有。 桂枝茯苓丸可以根据使用的设备，来在不同的口味，如“重设连接”或“超时”，但结果总是相同的： 在中国大陆的网页无法加载 。

由中国长城防火墙的应用块往往非常快，自动化，而无需事先通知出版商。 事实上，它可以发生，该网站的所有者去很长一段时间没有注意到，尤其是如果中国是不是他们的业务的一个重要组成部分。

桂枝茯苓丸的其他特点是：

• 它是唯一在中国大陆的用户可见。
• 它是不稳定的和不可预测的，块可以持续数小时或数年。
• 这是很容易绕过编码连接使用，如VPN或Web代理。
• It can affect a single post , a website or a whole host/subnet.
• GFW often tries to disguise itself as technical problems of the Chinese network.

GFW is the most annoying part of the Chinese censorship. One might think it is worthless, since it can be bypassed by widely available free proxies . In fact it is extremely effective, due to a mixture of laziness and lack of information of the public. Using myself as an example , there are some excellent blogs I had not visited for months just to avoid the (minor) hassle of connecting through proxy. How many Chinese would go out of their way to access political documents like Chrter 08 that they've never heard of and they cannot locate in their Search Engines anyway? (see below SEM)

But the worst aspect of GFW is that it embodies the complete lack of respect of the censors for the individual rights of the users. Indeed, to avoid access to a few pages, the GFW regularly blocks whole subnets without previous notice, affecting thousands of users that had nothing to do with the non-compliance in the first place. There are many examples of this, one of them is the major blog hosting service “Blogger”, which has been blocked in China for years.

3- The Search Engine Manipulation (SEM)

This is the part of the censorship system specifically dedicated to Search Engines. Technically it is not a new mechanism, but a caffeinated Net Nanny applied to Search. The main difference lies in the essential role of the Search Engines in directing internet traffic, and the enormous potential for manipulaton that Search Result lists provide. Note that SEM refers only to the List of Search Results itself, and not to the possible blocks happening when clicking on one of the individual resuts, which would belong to point (2) above.

When an internet user looks for a term in a Search Engine, he is trusting this Engine to bring him the most relevant results for that Search. A List of Search Results that is manipulated to show only what the government wants to show is one of the most powerful tools of deception, and one that is less obvious to the final user than the plain blocking of websites. The websites that don't appear on the list are not perceived as “censored”, they are simply nonexistent.

Like any other websites, the Search Engines can suffer the 2 kinds of censorship described above.

1- They “harmonize” their Result Lists, following the Nanny. This is properly SEM.
2- They get some Search Strings blocked by the GFW. This is just a URL block of the GFW.

Note that, while (1) is a flagrant case of Search Engines actively collaborating with the system, in (2) it is the URL of the search that trips the GFW, and the Search Engine's responsibility if any is ony passive (ie. they don't fight against it) (*) . As far as I have seen, all the search engines based in China, including Google, Yahoo and Baidu practice SEM, the most form of censorship. I already did a little study of SEM recently where you can see some results.

(*)UPDATE: Following suggestions by international expert Nart Villeneuve : I have introduced a few changes of my own in my SEM post . It is very important to understand the role of Search Engines in GFW censorship: to get the details of this complex question you should read proper research papers like this one, or this one .

Also by same author a suggestion of what could be the 4th and newest animal in the Censor's farm: application-specific censorship such as the censoring of IM's by qq and Skype.

UPDATE 2: Coming back to this post one year later I realize that I have learnt a lot since then, and I have corrected a few details. There are also some aspects that are missing, like details about how the GFW works, the IP, URL and keyword blocks, etc. which I learnt when this blog was GFWed in June 09. You can read all about that in the comprehensive instructions I did after I managed to unblock it.

。

NOTE: Comments and corrections welcome. Also please let me know if something is not clear enough so I can edit/clarify.

哇！ The People's Daily (AKA the Mouthpiece Newspaper) is getting state-of-the-art technology for its online English edition: you can now listen to the articles at the same time as you read them. I'm just back from their website where I have heard these words of Grandpa Wen pronounced by HAL 9000:

“We must have faith and determination”

Now this is reassuring. I am going to play it to the old professor of my last post and I'm sure he will quit his compulsive hoarding and get back to enjoying life again. Other than that, I am not sure the device is of much practical use for the readers, as it reads English slower than I read Chinese.

Then again, come to think of it, the English edition of the People's Daily has mainly 2 groups of readers:

1. Chinese Communist Party members studying English, and
2. Western political analysts studying the Party members.

Which probably accounts for the rather schizophrenic readership that expresses itself on the comments section. Mind you, this doesn't stop them from commenting openly on many issues and it is sometimes a lively forum. The Mouthpiece, who doesn't “endorse or oppose”, is relatively tolerant and does not censor all the comments against the party.

Anyone familiar with this blog knows that I'ma keen commentator and I'm always ready to go and share my ideas with others. So I thought that The Mouthpiece was one of the few websites were I hadn't left my trademark, and I prepared a comment for their topic “”Nonviolence” in the mouth of “Dalai Lama”" (note the dense population of inverted commas).

This was my comment:

Dear Comrades, Dear Lamas!!! You must all show fraternal feelings and respect for each other and abandon your fruitless arguments. You must work united and be prepared to overcome difficulties with great enthusiasm, courage, care and stamina. Your Chairman, Mao

I was just about to press the publish button – for I am intrepid and I know not fear – when I realized that a slight detail had escaped my notice: comments have the author's IP published for all to see. This has discouraged me somewhat and I have kept my little message to post on my own, more intimate blog. Oh, well, just a little passtime for those condemned to browse the Mouthpiece on a daily basis.

Barely two weeks after the publication of the Chrter 08, it has already become old news, lost in the indifference of Western media (with notable exceptions ), and erased in China by the cold intervention of the censors. I want to examine here the importance of this document and give some more thought to it and its possible impact.

There is one line in Chrter 08 which concentrates in my understanding the essence of the document:

“Human Rights are not bestowed by a State. Every person is born with inherent rights to Dignity and Freedom. The government exists for the protection of the Human Rights of its citizens.”

This principle, inspired in the long tradition of the Enlightment and the famous 18 ^th century Declarations, is at the heart of the matter. Should these rights apply to China, or are they just an interference of foreign ideas in Chinese affairs? This mostly unspoken debate that rages today in China is putting in doubt the universality of Human Rights, and questioning it in view of the singularities of the Chinese culture.

Of course, this line of argument does not resist the minimum intellectual scrutiny, but it's marketable to avid patriots. One doesn't need to put many brain cells in contact to see that the entire ideology of Maoism -or today's wild capitalism for that matter- are also based on foreign ideas. And that great Ideas, like print and paper, cure to cancer or Human Rights, belong to Humanity.

One of the most influential political thinkers of the Enlightment, who inspired the precursors of this Charter, wrote 3 centuries ago:

“I am a man before being French. For I am necessarily a man, but French only by accident.”

This Charter is up to now the boldest effort in mainland China to speak out for the Universality of Human Rights. Its influence, directly or indirectly, will no doubt be decisive at the time when these questions will have to be seriously debated by the Chinese government. Whether this happens in turbulent 2009 or many years later, China will be in debt with those 303 brave men who dared to stand up for their ideas.

Reflections on the Chrter 08

Before I write these reflections, I want to state my respect for all the authors and supporters of the Charter in China. My points below are not rejecting their fundamental principles, and they should be understood as constructive critic.

1。 The fact of publishing the Charter and obtaining a few thousand signatures in the Mainland is in itself the most important action for Human Rights ever done in China, and it represents a qualitative leap from previous actions which were: 1- Purely reactive, 2- Mostly isolated, 3- Strongly supported by Western actors. This is a serious challenge to the Chinese government, and a very dangerous one for the signers, as it is well known how China reacts to coordinated efforts of this kind.

2。 One important difference from past actions is the positive nature of the movement. The Charter is not merely a reaction or complaint; it is a statement that stands in its own right. Note, however, one important difference between the line quoted above and those in the classic American and French Declarations: this one is formulated in the negative, “Human Rights are not bestowed by a State”. There is still an important element of reaction which will have consequences on the future of the Charter.

3。 A document of this kind should try to seek the maximum consensus in mainland China. This is, in my understanding, the main weakness of the Chrter 08. Going into particular details, such as proposing federalism for Taiwan, or putting in question sacred figures like Deng Xiaoping (by mentioning Tiananmen*) is not working to achieve maximum consensus. Neither is aggressively criticizing Mao's legacy while failing to recognize the important successes of the present regime. These points can be easily utilized by detractors to turn public opinion against the Charter.

4。 Most importantly, from a theoretical point of view, figures like Mao or KMT should have no place in a Charter that wants to unite the Chinese. The recent History of China is an amazing tale of cruel failures and unequaled successes. Events that need to be openly discussed at some point, certainly, and compensation given to the victims. But direct accusations are altogether at a different level and unworthy of sharing the same document with the generous ideals stated in the Charter. These things do not only weaken the Chrter 08 from a practical point of view, but also reduce its soundness as a Universal Statement.

Will Chrter 08 fly into 09

I have written it before in this blog, and I am convinced of this: China has an intelligent government. For each propaganda muncher crying traitor at Liu Xiaobo, there is one thoughtful official that reads the Charter and understands the challenges that his country is facing. The government of China is as skillful to control internal issues as it is unable to control the external image of the country, and it has done an impressive job this time at downplaying and silencing the Charter. The lesson of 1989 is well learnt.

The sad consequence of this is that today the vast majority of the Chinese population has no idea of the existence of the Chrter 08. And I am not only speaking of the masses of peasants. A quick survey among my personal Shanghai friends, all of them with university education and speakers of at least one foreign language, gave discouraging results: Not a single one of them had even heard the term “ lingbaxianzhang ” (Chrter 08) one week after its publication.

It is unlikely that this Charter -or any other Charter for that matter- will in itself spark political change. Its direct impact is limited, and it has probably already run all it had to run. It is not Charters, but Leaders that start revolutions. And when they do, they look back to the works of the intellectuals to give a meaning to their actions. Inevitably, the time will come for political change in China, and Chrter 08 can be the precursor and the basis for future debate.

However, for these changes to happen peacefully they should first reach the largest possible consensus, not only among the intellectuals, but among the people of China. This includes millions of honest middle aged Chinese who still regard Mao as a respectable leader, and who understand that it is him and his followers, with all their faults, that led China from misery and humiliation to the present prosperity.

These people are not criminals or radicals, nor did they consciously cause any suffering to others during Mao's terrible years. They are simple, honest Chinese who lived the time they had to live working quietly for their country. Brainwashed or not, these are today the good people of China. And when the intellectuals draft and sign a charter they should always bear in mind that it is for them that they are fighting.

History shows that there are two ways to change the system in China: the violent revolution way (Mao) and the peaceful consensus way (Deng). I believe that this second way is the one that most Chinese desire for their country, and China has proven in the past that it is capable of taking it successfully.

However, to move the massive inertia of the CPC requires some level of distress, like the one existing prior to 1978. Whether the impact of the crisis in 2009 will be enough to lead to this situation and whether the leaders in China will be willing or brave enough to push the changes, remains to be seen. But 2009 might very well bring the first real opportunity in many years, and this well timed Chrter 08 might still have its word to say in the coming months.

Conclusion and note to censors

I am living in China, where I have always been treated with patience and generosity by the Chinese people. For this I have learnt to love and admire this country. I know my obligations as a guest, and with my work, my life and my writing I try my best to return all that China has given to me.

Therefore, I state here my respect to Chinese of all ideologies. Dear censor, I would much appreciate it if you can continue to afford me the privilege of living in your country, not only physically, but also through my little voice on the internet. Please, do not block my blog.

Finally, my best wishes to Liu Xiaobo and his family in these difficult moments. Lu Xiaobo is the main drafter of the Chrter 08 and at this moment he is still detained by the police. He should be released immediately.

I want to show him all my support here, and give my tiny contribution by spreading his work below.

Happy Christmas.

。

The Principles

These are the noble principles that 303 brave men published in China in 2008:

Freedom . Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.

Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China's recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime's disregard for human rights.

Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.

Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.

Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.

*For the mention of Tiananmen incidents and discussion on discrepancies in the Charter, see my previous post here .

Last weekend, as I was browsing the net for some material to get over my post electoral withdrawal, I came across this iconic Obama.

I didn't know exactly what it was, but something in it looked very familiar. Very Chinese . I saved it in my Obama bookmarks, and didn't think of it again until Sunday evening.

That was the evening when I went to the barber's to have my hair uncut.

I like the barber down the road, I've been going there every month since I came to Shanghai, and by now he knows exactly what I like. This is a great advantage, because I am always at a loss when giving instructions to a Chinese hairdresser. I feel even more embarrassed when they proceed to show me pictures of men supermodels, and rather optimistically ask me to point at one of them.

But Wu Shifu will do none of that. He is a no nonsense professional, and he delivers 20 kuai worth of real styling value. A true perfectionist, he takes care of every detail and will not give up until every single hair is at the right lenght. Every now and then he stops cutting and reaches for the little mirror with which he shows me around my own head, asking eagerly if all sides are well shaped, and secretly hoping that I will request some virtuoso manoeuvre, perhaps a re-balancing of my temples.

Like usual, last Sunday the man was doing a great job. When it was almost finished and he came up with the little mirror for the 5th time, I thought I might as well give him some little bit of satisfaction for the trouble. And, since we are at it, why not test him for Chinese characteristics.

- Is it OK this side? And here? And the top?

- Um, no, no. Too short over the top, I will have it a bit longer this time.

- Uh, er… longer what, here?

- Yes, please, can you do that?

- Yes we can!- Snap, snap, snap.

And there he goes snapping away with his scissors, cutting the air close to my head in his efficient fashion, and probably thinking that if he goes on for long enough, my hair will have actually grown longer by the time he is done with it. After 5 minutes of cutting the air thin, while I watched the ultra boring Shenhua-Tianjin on his TV, I decided that my hair was long enough already, and informed him thus.

- Thank you, master Wu, it looks much better now.

Click to continue »